Experiments in Democracy.
Surely this could happen only in our society. Our leader seems to be trying to force the ideals of democracy on the people, and the latter appear unwilling to accept them.
The Dalai Lama, to begin with, formulated a democratic Constitution and offered it to the people in 1963. His obedient subjects received it in the same spirit in which they receive anything else from him or any other high lama. It was regarded as a holy document, to be placed on the family altar alongside the images of deities and the photographs of lama, and to be prayed in front of every morning. The main provision of the Constitution, an institution now known as the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies, is meant to be the Tibetan “Parliament in exile”. However, the people, as well as many of the deputies themselves, tend to think of it as one of the more important departments of the Tibetan government-in-exile.
Then some years ago, the Dalai Lama thought aloud that it might make for better government if he handed over his administrative duties to a sort of Prime Minister. Of course, the people would have none of it.
When repeatedly reminded that the Tibetan parliament is not a part of the Tibetan government but more a people’s watchdog over it, many found it a useful tool for promoting their misguided sectarian and regional interests. No sooner a fault in the election system of the deputies was pointed out and rectified, another group got up and declared the change “unfair” to it.
Determined to keep this democratic institution alive, the Dalai Lama accepted the proposal of selecting the deputies himself as the final round of “election” for the next Assembly. Whether outsiders recognize this as a proper election or not is immaterial to Tibetans. Unlike any other changes made previously, this one has not prompted any controversy or overt resentment. More importantly, this is the first time that none of the deputies from the last Assembly has been reinstalled. This means future deputies can no longer take it for granted that they stand a fair chance of being re-elected for another term—as long as they did not make any trouble, look pious and acted important—and thereby continue to enjoy, for at least another three years, a comfortable job with salary and facilities among the best by Dharamsala standards. Result alone will become the basis for re-election. This may make the deputies, at last, feel obliged to understand their raison de’etre which is the all important first step towards getting anything done.
Surely this could happen only in our society. Our leader seems to be trying to force the ideals of democracy on the people, and the latter appear unwilling to accept them.
The Dalai Lama, to begin with, formulated a democratic Constitution and offered it to the people in 1963. His obedient subjects received it in the same spirit in which they receive anything else from him or any other high lama. It was regarded as a holy document, to be placed on the family altar alongside the images of deities and the photographs of lama, and to be prayed in front of every morning. The main provision of the Constitution, an institution now known as the Assembly of Tibetan People’s Deputies, is meant to be the Tibetan “Parliament in exile”. However, the people, as well as many of the deputies themselves, tend to think of it as one of the more important departments of the Tibetan government-in-exile.
Then some years ago, the Dalai Lama thought aloud that it might make for better government if he handed over his administrative duties to a sort of Prime Minister. Of course, the people would have none of it.
When repeatedly reminded that the Tibetan parliament is not a part of the Tibetan government but more a people’s watchdog over it, many found it a useful tool for promoting their misguided sectarian and regional interests. No sooner a fault in the election system of the deputies was pointed out and rectified, another group got up and declared the change “unfair” to it.
Determined to keep this democratic institution alive, the Dalai Lama accepted the proposal of selecting the deputies himself as the final round of “election” for the next Assembly. Whether outsiders recognize this as a proper election or not is immaterial to Tibetans. Unlike any other changes made previously, this one has not prompted any controversy or overt resentment. More importantly, this is the first time that none of the deputies from the last Assembly has been reinstalled. This means future deputies can no longer take it for granted that they stand a fair chance of being re-elected for another term—as long as they did not make any trouble, look pious and acted important—and thereby continue to enjoy, for at least another three years, a comfortable job with salary and facilities among the best by Dharamsala standards. Result alone will become the basis for re-election. This may make the deputies, at last, feel obliged to understand their raison de’etre which is the all important first step towards getting anything done.
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